مجله جامعه شناسی ایران
سال سیزدهم شماره 1 (پیاپی 37، بهار و تابستان 1391)

This study aims at testing the selected components of the Aker's social learning theory, in order to explain vandalism. It is conducted through survey method using the questionnaire. The sample consists of 392 students selected among the third high school students in Yasuj City, via the method of classified random sampling. The findings, according to subject's responses, show that 94.9 percent. in a low rate, 4.6 percent on an average rate and 0.5 percent to a high degree, have engaged in vandal behaviors. The multiple regression analysis, indicates that among the six independent variables, the encouragement variable by the standardized regression effect coefficient (Þ= 0.303) is the strongest predictor of the vandal behaviors. The variables of reward, reinforcement balance, and reactions, are meaningful while the variables of deterrence, and cost, are not. Eventually, validity of the study is determined using method of content validity. The reliability of the study is assessed through the Cronbach's Coefficient Alpha to be at 91 percent.

This paper aims at studying the effects of family involvement, feeling of family role overload, family role ambiguity and social support in family on the conflicting working family. In this study we have tried to present a model for explaining family-work-conflict by employing certain theories related to both role and family conflict situations. This model develops two general ideas including family and social support factors affecting family-work-conflict. In order to test the model empirically the concepts were defined, related measures were constructed and their reliability and validity were attained. The results were acceptable. This research is conducted using the survey method. Stratified random sampling has been used for select ion of the samples. Main instrument of data collect ion used in this study was the questionnaire. The sample of the research includes 360 members drawn from the married female state employees of in Ahvaz, capital city of khusestan province in south west of Iran, in the year Results indicated that family's social support does not significantly affect the conflicting working family. Yet it decreasingly af fects such a family through the feeling of family role overload and family role ambiguity variables. Family involvement variable, in addition to affecting directly the conflicting working family, it also affects such a family indirectly through the feeling of family role overload variable. Also, the findings showed that feeling of family role overload and family role ambiguity variables directly affect the conflicting working family.

A growth in popular culture, the emergence of new life styles and the increasing importance of media representations in the last two decades have opened up new angles for dealing with the youth delinquencies. Cultural criminology as the melting point of criminology and cultural studies, far from seeking external causalities or making an excessive emphasis on structural and personal variables, assumes both crimes and criminals as social constructs whose understanding requires attending to the social context and the power relations existing in the society. The present paper first makes a quick review of discursive developments on the issue of youthscrimes. Following that I will make an account of cultural criminology approach and the capacities it shows explaining some current youth (sub) cultural issues. It is argued that cultural criminology is a useful option for revising the boundaries between culture and crime and could lead to a better understanding of the youth problems and therefore results in a better policy making.

A political culture consistent with democracy is a strengthening element of democratic consolidation and due to this fact is important in current political research. Analyzing developments in political culture of societies is also a major strand of political culture studies. This article analyzes the prevalence of democrat ic values of moderat ion, f reedom, and participation in three generations of people in the city of Sari, situated in north of Iran. A collection (17-34 years old), the second one (48 years old or higher) are compared in terms of their democratic values. The sample size is 380 and the questionnaire is used for data gathering. The findings of the research are also compared with similar data from elsewhere in Iran. Evidences show the presence of high democratic values and expectations among all three generations, while exhibiting considerable changes in political values and attitudes of people during last five years (2005 to 2010). The art icle is a challenge for all who think polit ical culture of Iran as an authoritarian one with strong non-democratic values. It is also challenging for the idea of constant value scheme of generations. It seems generations can develop new values alongside social changes they are contributing to.

The major aim of the present article is the sociological analysis and explanation of the Eastern Europe approaches to civil society under the communist authoritarian regimes in Eastern Europe societ ies. In these approaches civil society has been seen as a social movement, with a short life span and a long time strategies. Civil society was used as "strategy of the resistance" in times, in which the totalitarian regimes have ruled over the Eastern Europe societies. Under the totalitarian ruling, the strategy of civil society was not to conduct a revolutionary campaign against authoritarian governments because their collapse was not predictable in short time. Therefore, civil society had to concentrate its activities on the construction of the social organisations and networks in order to reinforce the self-defence sys tem of the society agains t the author i tar ian sovereignty. The post-totalitarian civil society's movement did not aim to capture of power, but it critiqued and controlled the state, to avoid the new totalitarian states and to institutionalize a stable democracy in future. In Eastern Europe for a permanent and peaceful struggle against then ruling totalitarian regimes some civil society strategies such as "the impolitic strategy" have been offered from Gyrgy Konrad, "the gradual resistance" from Leszek Kolakowaski, " the new Evolutionism" from Adam Michnik and "the construction of the parallel society" from Vaclav Havel. These have been presented in parallel to other developmental, practical, reformatory, and revisionist approaches to civil society in this region.

The end of the 20th century and the beginning of the 21th century witnessed the expansion of ethnic conflicts around the world. The end of the cold war, the revival of debate about genocide, the rise of movements for maintenance of past heritage and the expansion of communicat ions in different areas, have increasingly caused ethnic groups to get interested in their past memories. Such a situation has also intensified the importance of `the place' in remembering memories of the past. The question that will be reviewed in this article is: what is the role of collective memory in outbreak of ethnic conflicts? Our assumption is that the ethnic struggles always can be traced to the some time back. The people, who are establishing an ethnic community, have common memories that affect their ethnic identity. Thus, our hypothesis is that collective memory has a basic role in ethnic conflicts. If we are expected to control ethnic struggles, the role of collective past in present situation should be understood. In this article we first review the concept of collective memory, and then we will examine the link between collective memory and ethnic struggles. At the end, we will make an attempt to explain how and by through what processes the collective memory affects ethnic conflicts and how ethnic struggles increase or decrease.

The state in contemporary Iran is a relatively neglected subject, especially by sociologists. One of the few studies conducted on this matter is an art icle by Hamid Reza Jalaeipour t it led: A Theoret ical At tempt for Evaluation formation of the Nation-State in Contemporary Iran. He, in that article, tries to presents an analysis regarding the situation of the nation-state in contemporary Iran. Since participation of the academic community on this mat ter can shed light on certain aspects of the nature of the state in the contemporary Iranian history, what was in my mind in writing the present article was twofoldan: an attempt to present a critique of Jalaeipour's paper, and to open the way in this regard. Reflecting on the afore-said article leads one to see that the writer has confused the category of nation-state with that of the transition to democracy (and its ups and downs). Such a confusion has led him to offer a definition for the nation-state which is neither consistent with those of the thinkers nor with the historical facts. Aside from that, on the subject of the nat ion-state, he uses theories of two thinkers which are essentially different from one another. Due to the conceptual confusion the writer's analysis regarding the formation process and the situation of the nation-state in Iran is not sound. The present article attempts to provide an alternative framework on the subject through a critical interpretation of the said article.